Canada is known to take pride in its multiculturalism with the sheer number and diversity of its immigrants. But as immigrants take root in a foreign land with their own families how do their children understand their place in the world as they grow up between different cultures? This study explores how children of immigrants acquire and use their heritage languages (HLs) as a product of navigating cultural identity using Filipinx-Canadians as a case study. As one of the fastest-growing demographics in Canada in the last decade (NewtoBC 2018) the Philippines has not only a high diasporic population but also a complicated situation between ethnolinguistic diversity and dominance. In the widespread use of its national languages Filipino and English the maintenance of approximately 180 remaining local languages (Thinking Machines Data Science 2016) has become a much lesser priority. Much literature addressing the effects of this on the diaspora focuses on other parts of the world (e.g. New Zealand; Umali 2016) and has yet to be studied in Canada. With participants mostly based in Metro Vancouver my research involves 35 2nd- and 1.5-generation Filipinx-Canadians. These are people either born in Canada or born in the Philippines and who immigrated before the age of 18. Conducted virtually due to COVID-19 this study implements a mixed-methods approach to measure Philippine language acquisition and attitudes. The multilingualism survey is a tool under development in the UBC Speech in Context Lab composed of three established self-rating questionnaires measuring language proficiency and usage patterns. Interviews aimed to contextualize survey results with opinions on Filipinx-Canadian culture and identity addressing topics like visiting the Philippines and communicating with other Filipinxs. Survey responses were analyzed through R then synthesized with interview data through thematic analysis (Braun & Clark 2006). Filipino is the predominant HL acquired by the majority of participants demonstrating the decrease in transmission of other Philippine languages. The findings reveal highly similar HL acquisition and usage scores across groups illustrating an overall bilingual proficiency. Yet this bilingualism is passive; younger generations of Filipinx-Canadians comprehend more from their HLs than they can actively speak. Whether or not a child of Filipinx-Canadian immigrants was born in the Philippines does not have a significant effect on HL learning. Instead factors like trips to the heritage homeland during formative years or living in multigenerational households contribute to relatively higher HL proficiency scores. The role of the family as the primary and often exclusive means of HL exposure contributes to both the issues and successes of cultural transmission. Though most identified family as the primary motivating factor to learn HLs their lighthearted teasing or the lack of expectations to speak in HLs with older generations can lead younger generations to feel discouraged in speaking aloud. These results imply desires for Philippine HL education programs and settings outside the home especially for youth to create more opportunities for active engagement and cultural learning. Ultimately this preliminary analysis hopes to open a conversation about bridging cultures through language in an increasingly globalized world.